By Nicholas Boyle
Top Cambridge public highbrow argues for fiscal, political reform if the dire occasions on the starting of the 20 th century will not be to be repeated. a brand new global hindrance is already looming. via the center of Obama's moment time period, or of the 1st time period of his, possibly Republican, successor, America's legacy to the twenty first century should be determined. Will it's a century of climatic catastrophe and conflict? The roots of the current quandary lie in an unbalanced globalization which has did not fit financial with political integration. fake types of nationhood, markets, and empires have hindered the improvement of worldwide governance. those illusions in flip are a part of the ideology of yankee exceptionalism. If human civilization is to outlive the twenty first century, that ideology must fall down to a extra reasonable popularity of supranational experts, and particularly of an greater IMF and WTO. The banking cave in of 2007-8 demands a revived knowing of the interdependence of politics and economics. The self-images of countries have misplaced contact with the realities that ensure our lives: it's the global order that now offers us our id and on my own can safe our collective destiny.
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Additional info for 2014: How to Survive the Next World Crisis
A world in which there is a hyperpower cannot be a world of nations: America cannot be a nation, because it has no equals; there is nothing else like it in the world, and you cannot be a nation on your own. America is still responsible for over 20 per cent of World Gross Product; in the ﬁrst ﬁve years of the twenty-ﬁrst century it contributed 36 per cent of the world’s economic growth, more than twice as much as its nearest competitor, the European Union taken as a whole; and it spends something between 40 and 45 per cent of the world’s entire military budget.
Non-tariff barriers, such as quotas, were very much more signiﬁcant at the end of the twentieth century than at the beginning. The most disruptive non-tariff barrier of all has been the continuing closure of national borders to economic migrants. While capital has been freed to move around the world with little hindrance, the movement of labour has, except within the European Union, been subjected to more stringent immigration controls. The late nineteenth century saw the biggest movements of population in human history, from Europe to America and across the British Empire, which (except for genocidal episodes, particularly in America and Australia) were largely peaceful and voluntary.
They are useful and comfortable points of contact between the global system and the individual. Nations and languages survive, indeed become the object of ﬁerce and explicit loyalty, like football teams, but they have been instrumentalized; they are the medium and channel for something else, something that more deeply gives us what we want and makes us what we are. Nations won’t go away. But equally they won’t give us what we promise ourselves from belonging to them. We mustn’t let ourselves be fooled into thinking that investigating national differences, or even tensions between nations, is going to tell us much about the reality of our present situation or our likely future after the Great Event.
2014: How to Survive the Next World Crisis by Nicholas Boyle